

The muscles of the right arm holding the spear and the lower part of the bear leg aimed to show him as a physically strong warrior as war itself was not represented. 534, as in case of the discussed ivory, the quantity of the Christian symbols combined with Roman motifs in the coins of Justinian, the stylistic features of the ivory with motifs close to Greco-Roman tradition, and some of them borrowed even without any change of symbolism and usage- left almost no doubt to classify this artwork within the frameworks of the Justinian age and as the rare artwork presenting him as the triumphant emperor. Moreover, the equestrian statue of Justinian which did not survive to us, the representation of Justinian as the horseman accompanied by Victory in the multiple solidus c. Some of the early suggestions on the depiction of the consul, not the Emperor himself, come from the compositional and stylistic similarities with the “consular diptychs”, but the further studies on the representation of the main figure, the headdress or headgear in the form of the crown, the common features with the depiction of Justinian on the famous mosaic of San Vitale chapel, the head of the lion on his sandal made the scholars believe that it is the Emperor Justinian who is depicted. 30–2 Google Scholar.The first researchers of this artwork suggested a number of theories on who is carved as the warrior and horseman in the central panel. The anonymous Tituli of the fifth century (?) once ascribed to Claudian refer to seven miracles of which five are the same as on our diptych the Leper is omitted, and Christ walking on the Water and the Healing of the Woman with an Issue of Blood are added cf. The letter of Pope Gregory II to the Emperor Leo (which, if authentic, though this has been disputed, dates from about 730) suggests a typical scheme of decoration for a church in which the same six miracles appear to be selected, but the meaning is not quite clear cf. Walpole,, Early Latin Hymns ( 1922), pp. The third and fourth lines quoted are obscure, and probably corrupt, but there is no doubt as to their general sense cf. Pane quino, pisce bino quinque pascit miliaĮt refert fragmenta cenae ter quaternis corbibus.’ Vinum quod deerat hydriis mutari aquam jubet Verbis purgat leprae morbum, mortuos resuscitat, ‘debiles facit vigere, caecos luce inluminat, mentioned and, allowing for the use of general terms for the fourth and perhaps for the first, they correspond precisely with our diptych. Hilary of Poitiers, must date from just after the middle of the fourth century and rank among the earliest of Latin hymns) six miracles only are. In the summary of the life of Christ in the once famous Hymnum dicat turba fratrum (which, if it is correctly ascribed, as seems probable, to St. Google Scholar The only exact parallel to the selection of these particular six miracles that I have come across is in literature. 57-69 and an article by the same writer in Google Scholar Emporium, xv ( 1902), pp. They represent: The Paralytic carrying his bed (at Bethesda.), the Demoniac and the Gadarene Swine, the Paralytic let down through the roof (at Capernaum?), the Separation of the Sheep and the Goats, the Widow's Mite, the Pharisee and the Publican, the Raising of Lazarus, the Woman of Samaria at the Well, the Woman taken in Adultery (sometimes called the Woman with an Issue of Blood), the Healing of the Two Blind Men, the Miraculous Draught of Fishes, the Miracle of the Loaves and Fishes, and a last scene (largely restored) which probably represented the Miracle of Cana. Apollinare Nuovo at Ravenna the large majority are miracles. 389 Google Scholar.Īgain, among the thirteen scenes in the early sixth-century mosaics on the left wall of S.

31, Google Scholar and Kraus,, Geschichte der christlichen Kunst, i, p. Four out of six subjects on this list are identical with four out of the six on our diptych. In his homily on Dives and Lazarus, Asterius, bishop of Amasea, who was writing in the late fourth and early fifth century (perhaps only a few years before our diptych was carved), severely criticizes the habit of wearing dresses embroidered with pagan or merely fantastic subjects, and contrasts with these the dresses of the pious, on which ‘you will see the Marriage in Galilee and the water-pots, the Paralytic carrying his bed on his shoulders, the Blind Man healed with clay, the Woman with an Issue of Blood touching the hem of the garment, the Woman that was a Sinner falling at the Feet of Jesus, Lazarus returning to life out of the Grave’. note 2 Such subjects were not of course confined to sculpture.
